Like every supermodel, Ruslana Korshunova had to grow up a lot faster than the rest of us. Plucked from her native Kazakhstan by a London fashion agency at just 15 years old, within just two years she was on the catwalks of New York and on the cover of Vogue. Her almond eyes and "fairy-tale" features had given her a life of almost instantaneous success that – we might imagine now – became overwhelming.

In some ways Korshunova was still a minor, at least in the eyes of American law. She would have turned 21 this Wednesday and thus finally been allowed legally to drink in any of the myriad bars in the lower Manhattan neighbourhood where she lived. But that milestone will never be hers.

As tourists milled past on Saturday afternoon, Korshunova plunged from the balcony of her ninth-floor apartment to the ground, tearing a hole in orange construction netting on the way to the pavement below. Witnesses described hearing a crack like a gun-shot or the thwack of a drum as she made impact.

It was 2.30 pm on an exceptionally sultry New York afternoon. The young woman with a full career already travelled and surely an even brighter one still ahead, died instantly, officials said. Although a formal police investigation was launched yesterday, there were no suggestions that her death would be treated as anything other than a suicide. There was no evidence of a struggle in the flat.

For now, however, questions about what might have driven the Kazakh beauty to extinguish her life were mostly answered only by speculation. There was no indication from police that they had found a suicide note. Friends reported that she had recently returned from a job in Paris and seemed to be "on top of the world". Yet there was one place where clues to a confused heart and torn soul were to be found.

Korshunova belonged to the internet generation for whom social networking sites such as Facebook and MySpace can substitute for clubs, confessionals and therapist chairs. "I am so lost. Will I ever find myself?" she wrote on one site three months ago. "I'm a bitch. I'm a witch. I don't care what you say."

The fashion industry is not unaware that its stars, brought into the media glare at such young ages, face pressures they can barely cope with. Two years ago, after the death from starvation of the Brazilian model Ana Carolina Reston, a campaign was launched to protect the young women from taking their quests for thinness too far. Fashion week organisers in Madrid, Milan and elsewhere instituted minimum body-mass ratios for girls on their runways.

But even girls who can handle the perils of eating disorders have other issues to deal with, most of them having to do simply with life coming at them too quickly. And some fight a kind of loneliness that cities such as New York can sometimes make more acute and which cannot be cured by dawdling on Facebook.

Korshunova's journey began back in 2003. Debbie Jones, a principal with the leading European agency Models 1, spotted her photograph in an in-flight magazine article. It was about Korshunova's efforts as a teenager in Almaty, Kazakhstan's largest city, to learn German. Ms Jones was mesmerised by her features. "She looked like something out of a fairytale!" she was to recall later. "We had to find her and we searched high and low until we did! She's really incredible, with feline features and timeless beauty."

Even before appearing in the 2005 New York Fashion Week modelling for Marc Jacobs, Korshunova had a portfolio to make her peers as green as her bright eyes. She had posed for the likes of Mario Sorrenti, Paolo Roversi and Willy Van Der Perre and appeared in campaigns for Kenzo, Clarins and Paul Smith. More recently, she modelled for Kenzo, Vera Wang, Nina Ricci, Donna Karan and Christian Dior. Her magazine covers extended from Russian Vogue to French Elle. British Vogue identified hers as a "face to be excited about," while some fashion writers dubbed her the "Russian Rapunzel".

"We're shocked and our heart goes out to her family," a spokesman for IMG, the US agency who had recently been representing her, said. A former boyfriend, Artem Perchenok, 24, told the New York Post he had dropped Korshunova off at her apartment in the early hours of Saturday morning after they had watched the Demi Moore film Ghost together. "She was a good person," he added, simply. A doorman in the building confirmed seeing her return and said that there was nothing to suggest she was unhappy.

A friend, Kira Titeneva, rushed to her apartment late on Saturday, still unable to grasp the tragedy. "We were talking on the phone last night," she said. "She loved life so much. She was an angel." A friend from the city in Kazakhstan where they grew up, she added that Korshunova "wasn't wild. She was never on drugs or anything." Another person, who said she was a friend, said the model had seemed "on top of the world," adding: "There were no signs. That's what's driving me crazy."

But there were signs on her blog. Not everything in her life apparently made sense to her. Her entries were alternately in Russian and English. Some seemed optimistic, while others were bleak. "Life is short, Break the rules, Forgive quickly, Kiss slowly, Love truly, Laugh uncontrollably," she offered in a short poem. "And never regret anything that made you smile." But in January she made this tormented entry: "It hurts, as if someone took a part of me, tore it out, mercilessly stomped all over and threw it out. My dream is to fly. Oh, my rainbow, it is too high."

Models who met tragic ends

The Brazilian model Ana Carolina Reston, who started modelling at 13, died in 2006 at the age of 21 due to kidney malfunction brought on by anorexia. Her diet had consisted only of tomatoes and apples. At the time of her death she weighed just six stone.

The American Gia Marie Carangi, considered to be one of the first supermodels, graced magazine covers in the 1970s and 1980s. After her agent died in her early 20s, she descended into heroin addiction. Later, she contracted the HIV virus and died of Aids, aged 26.

The American model Heather Bratton was featured on the covers of Vogue and other magazines was tipped as the next big thing. She was 19 when she was killed in a car crash in 2006.

The Irish model and socialite Katy French made numerous television appearances and courted controversy in the country when she announced that she supported a woman's right to abortion. In 2007, at the age of 24, she collapsed at a friend's house party after suffering brain damage. It is thought her death was caused by a cocaine overdose.

David Usborne, The Independent, 30.06.08

http://www.independent.co.uk/life-style/fashion/features/death-of-a-supermodel-856895.html

L'après-midi, elle appelle les syndicats : "Bonjour, ce sont les Renseignements généraux." On lui répond. Elle note des chiffres. Demain, elle déjeunera avec un syndicaliste de France Télécom. Peut-être rédigera-t-elle une note, histoire de prévenir un mouvement social. Vendredi, elle suivra un déplacement de Rachida Dati, la garde des sceaux. C'est son quotidien.

On lui a laissé le choix : intégrer la future DCRI et le monde opaque du renseignement fermé. Ou rester dans l'information générale (IG), à la disposition de la sécurité publique. Gisèle a tranché, elle veut continuer, avec son gros classeur d'adresses et de numéros de téléphone, à fréquenter syndicats, grévistes, postiers, agriculteurs. Tant pis si le sigle RG sort de sa vie. Michel, lui, aura un pincement au coeur, à l'heure de rejoindre la DCRI. A 45 ans, cet ancien enquêteur de la DST suit les sectes, les anti-OGM, la gauche dite extrême.

A côté, dans le bureau administratif, deux secrétaires trient les fiches individuelles. Coupons cartonnés, dossiers oubliés. Tout ce qui touche à l'islam sera classé "confidentiel défense" et deviendra la chasse gardée de la DCRI. Les RG, à Agen, c'étaient 14 fonctionnaires, dont 10 enquêteurs, et 2 corps de métier différents. Car Gisèle côtoyait Pascal, et cela n'allait pas de soi. Lui, c'est un fêlé du renseignement dit opérationnel. Vingt-sept ans de police, un grade de major. Un toqué de la "filoche". Avec son groupe, il a passé six mois à pister un commando d'ETA. Le jour de l'interpellation, à Cahors, un directeur est venu de Paris et leur a dit : "C'est bon, vous pouvez rentrer chez vous." Pas grave, Pascal était content. Quand on travaille aux RG, on sait que la gloire, c'est pour les autres.

Le Lot-et-Garonne compte 13 mosquées, 15 salafistes, 70 fidèles du mouvement de prédicateurs Tabligh, des cibles en puissance, de quoi s'occuper. Sans parler d'extrémistes turcs qui pourraient avoir élu domicile dans le secteur. Belle prise, ces dernières semaines, pour l'équipe de Pascal, qui a recruté un membre de l'entourage d'un activiste. Les RG en sauront plus sur les virées nocturnes et les fréquentations du monsieur.

Quand Pascal a commencé aux RG, les "trads" se moquaient des "opérationnels". Pas assez de matière grise, trop peu de recul sur les événements. Mais le vent a tourné. Aujourd'hui, Pascal se bat pour récupérer un "soum", une fourgonnette pour les planques. Difficile de rester discret dans une Ford Mondeo grise. "On est encore dans l'artisanat, regrette-t-il, il faut passer à l'ingénierie." Ses équipiers sont jeunes, la vingtaine volontaire. Ils savent utiliser les téléobjectifs de 250 mm fournis par les appareils photo Nikon, pour prendre des clichés de loin. Ils ont aussi une "caméra bouton", un Caméscope miniature dissimulé dans une sacoche. La réforme leur semblait indispensable. Même si, ils le savent, quelques-unes de leurs collègues vont rester sur le carreau, de l'autre côté de la cloison qui sera bâtie au milieu des bureaux.

"JE PRÉFÈRE VOIR LES GENS"

Jacques va devoir changer ses habitudes. Sur la porte de son bureau, un écriteau : "Reçois uniquement sur rendez-vous dans son espace de plénitude et d'apaisement." On l'a surnommé "Maître Yoda", comme le sage de la Guerre des étoiles, de George Lucas. Il aimait le social, se rendre aux manifestations avec ses amis syndicalistes. La CGT passait par lui pour obtenir un rendez-vous en préfecture. "Moi, en dix ans de RG, je n'ai jamais fait une photo de manifestant, ce serait une hérésie, lâche-t-il. Mon outil, c'est le téléphone."

Pour lui, la disparition des RG, c'est la fin d'une époque. "Un métier va disparaître. On s'intéressait au malaise des classes moyennes, on recueillait les discussions de comptoir. On se demande si le pouvoir ne veut pas se débarrasser de quelque chose..." Il a rempli sa fiche, comme tout le monde. Il a demandé le renseignement intérieur : "Je ne me voyais pas remplir des télex toute la journée." C'est la crainte des "trads" : ne plus faire que de l'événementiel, gérer manifestations, grèves, sans prendre le temps de tâter le malaise social. A Agen, ils devraient être trois, quatre au plus, à opter pour l'information générale. Deviendront-ils les parents pauvres de la sécurité publique ?

Francis, 46 ans, au téléphone ce soir-là avec un contact, dans une entreprise que des agriculteurs menacent de mettre à sac. "Attention, moi, je vais sortir le fusil", crie son interlocuteur. Il le calme. "Surtout, appelez-moi dans la nuit, s'il y a le moindre problème...", conseille Francis. Il rédige une note, la faxe en préfecture. Capitaine de police, il va rester à l'IG. "Mes potes, ils vont passer derrière la cloison, regrette-t-il. Le sigle IG, c'est pas terrible. Mais prendre une photo en cachette, ça ne me fait pas bander. Je préfère voir les gens, leur parler."

Gérard Davet, Le Monde, 30.06.08

http://www.lemonde.fr/societe/article/2008/06/30/avec-la-fin-des-rg-un-metier-disparait_1064470_3224.html#ens_id=1056252

Además de los Lively, otras 4.000 familias de EE UU celebraron el sábado pasado reuniones de este tipo, en un acto bautizado como Unidad por el cambio. "La intención es captar a más personas y organizarnos para tomar las calles y anunciar el cambio que representa Barack", explica el anfitrión, George Lively, consultor informático de 37 años. Así es cómo se está forjando lo que la campaña del senador ha bautizado como "el ejército de la persuasión", una legión de voluntarios y donantes que este fin de semana ha alcanzado la histórica cifra de 136.000 personas.

Familias como los Lively son especialmente importantes en la composición de este ejército. Son un matrimonio rabiosamente demócrata en una zona empedernidamente republicana. Desde 1948, Virginia sólo ha votado demócrata en unas elecciones presidenciales. Fue en 1964, con Lyndon B. Johnson. Este dato lo tiene muy presente uno de los representantes políticos que ha acudido a la reunión de los Lively, el senador estatal Chap Petersen, de 40 años. "En Virginia hay decenas de bases militares, muchos veteranos y una gran zona rural", explica. "Es un escenario que favorece victorias presidenciales conservadoras". Petersen es un experto en el puerta a puerta, un político de barrio que regularmente acude a las casas de sus vecinos a tratar de solucionar problemas. "Esta vez detecto unas ganas de cambio tremendas. Es probable que Obama gane en Virginia, y si lo hace será porque ha arrasado en Estados más indecisos como Ohio o Florida. Si Obama gana aquí, ganará las elecciones generales por 10 puntos o más".

Al oír esta última frase, Christine Lively, ama de casa de 37 años, sonríe y ofrece una bandeja de galletas de la unidad. Se ha pasado la mañana preparándolas, con chocolate blanco y negro, "por la unión de las razas", y arándanos azules y rojos, los colores de los partidos republicano y demócrata. "En 2004 lloramos al enterarnos de que George Bush había ganado las elecciones. Este año queremos un cambio de verdad. Por la economía, por la guerra, por el medio ambiente... por todo". De hecho, una victoria en Virginia podría garantizar el cambio que anhelan los Lively. En la campaña del candidato lo saben, por eso han dedicado buena parte de sus recursos y voluntarios a este Estado y a otros tradicionalmente conservadores, como Carolina del Norte, donde esta vez, según dijo el jefe de campaña de Obama, David Plouffe, "es muy probable que el senador obtenga una clara ventaja sobre John McCain".

Cierto es también que el intenso conservadurismo de Virginia se ha ido diluyendo en los últimos años. En 2002, un demócrata, John Warner, fue elegido gobernador. Le sucedió su compañero de filas Tim Kaine en 2006. Uno de los dos senadores federales es también demócrata. Las personas reunidas en el salón de George Lively saben que hay una forma definitiva de convertir a Virginia en un Estado progresista: centrarse en las ciudades del norte, áreas suburbiales cercanas a Washington, la capital de EE UU. "Nosotros, los residentes del norte del Estado, podemos cambiar este país", explica George Lively mientras sirve platos de comida para sus huéspedes. "Aquí se ve perfectamente lo que ha pasado en el país en las últimas décadas. El norte se ha convertido en una zona joven, moderna, industrial, multicultural, más poblada. El sur sigue siendo rural y conservador. Si somos capaces de movilizar a las nuevas generaciones que viven aquí en el norte, el cambio será una realidad".

Como si le hubiera oído desde la calle, en ese momento entra en casa de los Lively Amber Young, joven afroamericana de 20 años. Está estudiando para ser analista de sistemas en Charlottesville, a 160 kilómetros. Ha venido a Fairfax a pasar el verano con sus padres. "Al ver el anuncio en Internet, no lo he pensado dos veces. Este año, en lugar de no hacer nada en vacaciones voy a trabajar para Barack. Iré al supermercado, al departamento de tráfico o a la iglesia. Donde sea que pueda convencer a mis vecinos de que él es la solución que necesitamos para los problemas de nuestro país". Y apunta su nombre y teléfono en la lista de voluntarios.

Al acabar la reunión, dos organizadores de la campaña de Obama recogen los datos de los asistentes. En los próximos días les contactarán para pedirles que dediquen algunas horas de su tiempo libre a hacer llamadas o recabar apoyos en sus vecindarios. "Odio hacer llamadas para convencer a votantes indecisos. En serio, lo odio", dice George. "Pero lo voy a hacer".

David Alandete, El Pais, 30.06.08

http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/ejercito/Obama/organiza/elpepuint/20080630elpepiint_5/Tes

When it comes to rice, India, Vietnam, China and 11 other countries have limited or banned exports. Fifteen countries, including Pakistan and Bolivia, have capped or halted wheat exports. More than a dozen have limited corn exports. Kazakhstan has restricted exports of sunflower seeds.

The restrictions are making it harder for impoverished importing countries to afford the food they need. The export limits are forcing some of the most vulnerable people, those who rely on relief agencies, to go hungry.

“It’s obvious that these export restrictions fuel the fire of price increases,” said Pascal Lamy, the director general of the World Trade Organization.

And by increasing perceptions of shortages, the restrictions have led to hoarding around the world, by farmers, traders and consumers.

“People are in a panic, so they are buying more and more — at least, those who have money are buying,” said Conching Vasquez, a 56-year-old rice vendor who sat one recent morning among piles of rice at her large stall in Los Baños, in the Philippines, the world’s largest rice importer. Her customers buy 8,000 pounds of rice a day, up from 5,500 pounds a year ago.

The new restrictions are just an acute symptom of a chronic condition. Since 1980, even as trade in services and in manufactured goods has tripled, adjusting for inflation, trade in food has barely increased. Instead, for decades, food has been a convoluted tangle of restrictive rules, in the form of tariffs, quotas and subsidies.

Now, with Australia’s farm sector crippled by drought and Argentina suffering a series of strikes and other disruptions, the world is increasingly dependent on a handful of countries like Thailand, Brazil, Canada and the United States that are still exporting large quantities of food.

On a recent morning here in Bangkok, sweaty and heavily tattooed dock workers took turns grabbing 120-pound sacks of rice from a conveyor belt and carrying them on their heads to cranes that whisked the sacks deep into the hold of a freighter bound for the Philippines. Most of the one million tons of rice that leaves the dock here each year follows the same spine-crushing routine.

“I’ve been here 28 years,” said the assistant port manager, Suchart Wuthiwaropas. “This is the busiest ever.”

Powerful lobbies in affluent countries across the northern hemisphere, from Japan to Western Europe to the United States, have long protected farmers in ways factory workers in Detroit could only dream of.

The Japanese protect their rice industry by making it nearly impossible for imported rice to compete. The European Union severely limits beef and poultry imports, and Poland goes further, barring soybean imports as well.

Negotiators have been working for years to free trade in farm goods, but today’s crisis actually makes that more difficult for them. Food protests in places like Haiti and Indonesia that rely heavily on imported food have convinced many nations that it is more important than ever that they grow, and keep, the food their citizens need.

“Every country must first ensure its own food security,” said Kamal Nath, the minister of commerce and industry in India, which has barred exports of vegetable oils and all but the most expensive grades of rice.

But as the United States trade representative, Susan C. Schwab, noted in a telephone interview, “One country’s act to promote food security is another country’s food insecurity.”

International relief groups are trying to help people who can no longer afford food at today’s higher prices, but it is not easy. “We’re having trouble buying the stocks we need for emergency operations,” said Josette Sheeran, executive director of the World Food Program in Rome.

Restrictions have delayed efforts to ramp up feeding programs in Somalia and Afghanistan. The food program had long purchased grain from Pakistani traders or national stocks. When Pakistan imposed a ban on most wheat exports this spring, the food program was forced to find a new supplier, creating months-long delays.

“We had to slow down the scale-up of our operation as a result of having to redesign our supply lines,” said Ramiro Lopes da Silva, director of transport and procurement. “That means on the ground there were beneficiaries that went without rations or went without full rations for a portion of time. In the case of Afghanistan, some didn’t get into the program.”

The current dispute over food exports highlights choices that nations have confronted for centuries.

One relates directly to trade: Is it best to specialize in whatever food grows best in a country’s soil, and trade it for all other food needs — or even, perhaps, specialize in services or manufacturing, and trade those for food?

Or is it best to seek self-sufficiency in every type of food that will, weather permitting, grow within a country’s borders?

The usual answer from economists, and the United States’ position for decades, is that the world benefits most if every country specializes in growing (or servicing or making) what it can most efficiently, and trading for the rest.

Rainfall and other limits make it prohibitively difficult for some countries to grow all their own food. “If Egypt had to be self-sufficient in food, there would be no water left in the Nile,” Mr. Lamy said in a telephone interview.

“If every country in the world decided it wanted to produce its own food for consumption,” Ms. Schwab said, “there would be less food in the world, and more people would be hungry.”

But relying on food imports becomes much dicier if other countries are prepared to shut off the tap.

An obscure rule of the World Trade Organization requires members to notify the agency when they restrict food exports. But there are no penalties for ignoring the rule, and not one of the countries that has imposed restrictions in the past year has complied, according to the W.T.O.

Japan and Switzerland are leading a group of food-importing nations so alarmed by restrictions that they are seeking an international agreement preventing countries from unilaterally limiting food exports. The agreement would be part of the current, already-rocky Doha round of trade talks, named for the city in Qatar where negotiations began.

But the proposal ran into a procedural snag right off: food export restrictions are such a new issue that they are only tangentially mentioned as part of the Doha round agenda, which is not easily modified.

In some of the nations concerned about shortages now, past policies have discouraged farming. From Indonesia to West Africa to the Caribbean and Central America, poor countries have frequently cut farm assistance programs and lowered tariffs to balance budgets and avoid charging high prices to urban consumers. But they have found that their farmers cannot compete with imports from rich countries — imports that are heavily subsidized.

As a result, steps that could have taken place decades ago, resulting in more food for the world today, were abandoned. These included changes like irrigation schemes and new crop varieties.

“The subsidies given by developed countries to their farmers have led to lack of investment in agriculture in developing countries” in Africa and elsewhere, Mr. Nath said.

To make matters worse, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund frequently pressured poor countries in the 1980s and 1990s to lower tariffs and to cut farm support programs, mostly to reduce budget deficits.

Indeed, the World Bank concluded in 2006 that not enough attention had been paid to the negative effects of its policy prescriptions on farmers in developing countries.

The current export restrictions, which mainly help urban consumers in poor countries, are the latest blow to farmers in the developing world.

Arfa Tantaway Mohamed, who grows rice on three-quarters of an acre outside the bustling town of Aga in northern Egypt, is frustrated at Egypt’s export ban, which is suppressing rice prices.

“For sure it has a negative impact,” said Mr. Mohamed, 50, as he smoked a Cleopatra brand cigarette during a break from working his fields, while 18 members of his extended family labored nearby.

Some countries reject the notion that restricting exports has pushed up prices on the world market, and point instead to higher prices for fertilizer, diesel and other farm expenses. India takes that position, but so does Thailand, in defending sharp markups in prices set by its Rice Exporters Association.

“The main cause of rising rice prices is the rising cost of rice planting,” said Surapong Suebwonglee, the finance minister of Thailand, the world’s largest rice exporter.

India and other countries, as well as some nonprofit groups, are quick to point out that economic arguments — that countries specialize in the production of whatever they can make most efficiently — are unconvincing, as long as rich countries heavily subsidize their farmers.

In fact, negotiators have a rough framework for a possible compromise on agriculture in the Doha round talks, including deep cuts in farm subsidies.

One possible compromise not being discussed in the Doha round may be for countries to continue relying on trade for most food imports, but hold bigger reserves in case of crises. World rice reserves, for example, have plunged to 9 weeks’ worth of consumption, from 19 as recently as 2001.

But United Nations officials are wary.

“I would not object to building up reserves,” said Supachai Panitchpakdi, the secretary general of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development. “But like foreign exchange reserves, some countries go to huge extremes.”

Keith Bradsher and Andrew Martin, The New York Times, 30.06.08

http://www.nytimes.com/2008/06/30/business/worldbusiness/30trade.html?pagewanted=1&ref=world

Personnalité hors normes, Christophe n’accorde pas vraiment d’interviews, mais privilégie des rencontres où il parle volontiers à bâtons rompus de musique, de cinéma, d’arts plastiques ou de sa plus chère compagne – la nuit. Voici quelques propos choisis dans le courant d’une de ces conversations au crépuscule dans un bar de palace parisien, notamment autour du casting de son nouveau disque.

RFI Musique : Le générique d’Aimer ce que nous sommes est impressionnant. Dès la première chanson, Isabelle Adjani !

Christophe : Quand je fais un disque, je vois le film avant. Celui-là, je savais qu’il commencerait par un générique dit par quelqu’un d’autre que moi. En l’occurrence, je voulais que ce soit Alain Bashung. Mais, il y a deux ans, il était dans son album, dans sa vie… Et puis il a fait quelque chose avec Daniel Darc (le duo LUV sur le dernier album de ce dernier, Amours suprêmes). Donc je ne pouvais plus avoir Alain qui ferait l’ouverture. Il fallait que je passe ailleurs et pour moi, l’ailleurs, c’était la grande Isabelle.

J’étais allé la voir quatre fois au théâtre quand elle faisait La dernière nuit pour Marie Stuart. Chaque fois, j’avais le plaisir de la retrouver cinq minutes dans sa loge. Alors, je lui ai envoyé un message en lui demandant si elle voulait venir sur mon disque. Elle m’a répondu par un SMS extraordinaire, merveilleux. Pour le texte, elle a fait deux prises. Et une seule prise pour les chœurs. Je faisais le son, elle était derrière moi, je ne voulais pas la troubler. Quand elle m’a dit qu’elle pouvait encore enregistrer plusieurs prises, je lui ai dit : "c’est ce que je veux de toi, ton souffle, ta vibration, ta sensualité par le souffle". C’est des moments qu’on n’oublie pas. On n’oublie tellement pas qu’on a l’impression que ce n’est jamais arrivé.

On retrouve aussi sur votre disque le trompettiste de jazz Erik Truffaz, qui vous a plusieurs fois invité sur scène et dans ses disques…
Les rencontres, toujours. Quand il vient à la maison, il joue d’une trompinette que je possède et qui a soi-disant appartenu à Boris Vian. Il joue très doucement dans l’appartement, pour ne pas réveiller les voisins, un son à peine soufflé, comme à l’oreille.

Certaines des rencontres sur cet album sont plus inattendues, comme un enregistrement de la voix de la photographe Denise Colomb sur It Must Be A Sign.
J’avais cet enregistrement depuis peut-être vingt ans et j’ai commencé cette chanson en 2004. Encore une histoire de son. Elle avait été photographe d’Antonin Artaud et un jour, j’ai fait un piano un peu romantique sur sa voix, puis Carmine Appice a joué dessus. Puis sont venus les Gitans...

Vous êtes intervenu récemment sur deux chansons de l’album de Julien Doré. Vos impressions ?
De petits bricolages. La magie de se glisser dans un truc qui vous interpelle... Julien est quelqu’un qui est dans le silence mais il y a quelque chose à l’intérieur. Chez moi, c’est plein d’objets, de bouquins, de photos sur l’architecture, le design. Et il aime tout. Ce n’est pas un chanteur. C’est un artiste et il est chanteur en plus. Comme j’aime.

Moi, je suis passé par la peinture, par la sculpture… Je suis un bricoleur, je n’ai jamais appris la musique – jamais eu le temps. Si j’avais appris la musique, j’aurais été instrumentiste. Chez moi, le piano est à la base de la création. Comme je n’ai pas appris, je joue de cette manière si particulière dans l’album, sauf dans Parle-lui de moi qui n’est pas joué par moi mais par un vrai grand, Eumir Deadato.

Peut-on espérer une tournée avec cet album ?
Oui. Je vais d’abord partir en vacances. Evidemment, je vais beaucoup moins où le vent me pousse, à cause de ce permis de conduire que je mérite mais que je n’ai plus. Après, j’ai envie d’aller jouer dans ces endroits importants et magiques en France, en Belgique, en Suisse… Je vais à mon rythme mais ça me manque beaucoup. En 2002, je revenais. Tout n’était pas exactement comme je l’aurais voulu. Mais là j’ai le temps, le recul, le casting...Carmine Appice est d’accord, les Gitans sont d’accord… Mais alors ce n’est plus Christophe. Il faut faire des affiches "Moraito, Carmine Appice, Christophe".

Vous vous étiez longuement absenté de la scène musicale avant de revenir avec l’album Bevilacqua en 1995. Etes-vous définitivement redevenu chanteur ?
Je ne le serai jamais. Je n’ai pas l’impression que je chante. Déchanter… C’est pour ça que j’aime Thom Yorke. Il ne chante pas. Il fait du son.

Pourriez-vous vous réabsenter ?
Je pense que là, je réfléchirais vraiment.

Vous êtes donc réconcilié ?
Oui. Par obligation.

Par plaisir, aussi ?
Oui. Aussi par plaisir.

Bertrand Dicale, Radio France Internationale, 30.06.08

http://www.rfimusique.com/musiquefr/articles/102/article_17306.asp

It started with the rape and murder of a 15-year-old girl. The story that flashed around Weng'an county was that three men were responsible, two of them with great "guangxi", or local connections. One of them was reportedly the son of the deputy mayor. When the police report said she had killed herself, tensions really began to simmer. When her popular schoolteacher uncle went to the police to seek justice, he was beaten into a coma and subsequently died. The tensions turned into rioting.

Lacking formal means to vent their anger, the people of Weng'an turned the town upside down, and the YouTube website carried shocking pictures of burning police cars and local government offices.

The scenes of mayhem and anarchy are the ones the Communist Party fears most as it is always worried that dissent could spread nationwide. Corruption at local level is something the Chinese government has vowed to wipe out, and last week it introduced a five-year plan to combat it.

Eyewitnesses reported one death and many injuries in the riots. At around 4am yesterday morning, police used megaphones to urge people to leave the area, and local television stations broadcast notices asking people who participated in the protest to turn themselves in. The riots even made it on to the official Xinhua news agency, which ran a brief story and blamed the riots on unhappiness about the official ruling over the girl's death.

"Some people who did not know about the exact context of what had happened were instigated to mob the police station and the office buildings of the county government and Communist Party committee," it said, without giving details of what the official finding was or the cause of death. It said that order had been restored.

According to the Hong Kong-based Information Centre for Human Rights and Democracy, more than 10,000 people took to the streets in the protests, with up to 150 people injured in clashes with police. The local Communist Party HQ was badly damaged.

Another 1,500 paramilitary and riot police had been deployed to the county and police arrested nearly 200 rioters. Yesterday, they were using the video footage posted online to round up others caught ransacking the three government and police buildings.

Public dissent of any kind is not tolerated in China. After the 12 May earthquake, parents of children who died in shoddily built schools were arrested when they tried to protest against official corruption which led to the bad building practice in the schools where their offspring had perished.

Xinhua said the Guizhou government has taken measures to "appropriately" handle the situation.

The internet was abuzz with stories of the girl's plight, and the state crackdown on the rioters. Opening the sites was difficult as the Great Firewall of China descended to make it difficult to open them. The timing of the riots is bad for President Hu Jintao's government.

Anti-Chinese riots in Tibet in March prompted a tough response by the Chinese authorities, earning Beijing international condemnation. However, a lot of international goodwill was restored by the relatively open response to the Sichuan earthquake, allowing foreign donations into the country.

The country is trying to present a stable and harmonious image ahead of the Beijing Olympic Games in August. A local official said the girl's family had rejected the authorities' offer of 3,000 yuan (£220) compensation, later increased to 30,000 yuan (£2,200), and residents had donated money to the family to sue local authorities.

Clifford Coonan, The Independent, 30.06.08

http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/asia/protests-in-china-at-official-coverup-of-teenagers-death-856905.html

Les deux Jones (Oliver est né à Montréal en 1934) font des étincelles de swing et de sensibilité, dans le souvenir d'Oscar Peterson (1925-2007) dont l'immense portrait domine la place des Arts, coeur du festival. Le lendemain 27 juin, Mr. Jones retrouve un camarade de duo, le saxophoniste Joe Lovano. Ils jouent des titres de leur disque Kids, les gamins. On ne peut plus exact. Leur terrain de jeu, c'est l'histoire du jazz. Il jouera ensuite avec son confrère Brad Mehldau, puis avec le contrebassiste Charlie Haden.

Ces concerts ne sont qu'une infime partie des plus de 700 annoncés : Montréal est le plus important festival de jazz au monde. 3 000 artistes sont attendus, plus de 2 millions de spectateurs, soit 30 % de plus que la population de la ville. 12 salles de concert sont payantes, et 10 scènes en extérieurs sont en accès libre, le tout occupant le Quartier des spectacles, en plein centre de Montréal - 500 mètres d'est en ouest et autant du nord au sud.

Le budget de 25 millions de dollars canadiens (16 millions d'euros) est couvert à près de 30 % par la billetterie, 18 % par des institutions, près de 40 % par le partenariat avec le fabricant d'automobiles General Motors, le géant de l'aluminium Rio Tinto Alcan, la compagnie de téléphone Bell, le brasseur Heineken... Les recettes de restaurants et de souvenirs "contribuent à la gratuité des spectacles", comme l'indiquent partout des affiches.

Ce qui frappe, c'est que Montréal est à la fois un festival gigantesque et intime, détendu et tenu par une organisation réglée à la seconde, qui emploie 2 500 personnes dont 700 boulots d'étudiants rémunérés au salaire horaire légal de 8,50 dollars canadiens.

Toutes les configurations de salles sont possibles pour répondre au public mordu du jazz, avec des acoustiques de grande qualité. De 150 places à 3 000 places. En extérieur, de midi à minuit, il y a la foule partout.

La qualité de l'offre - salles et programmes - explique en partie le succès de Montréal. Mais c'est aussi un festival qui a su embraser le centre d'une grosse ville - un cas unique. Il est installé au croisement de deux artères très fréquentées, rue Sainte-Catherine et boulevard Saint-Laurent, dans une ville qui est à la fois un centre d'affaires américain et une cité universitaire marquée par un esprit latin et festif.

VISION LARGE

De la parade louisianaise jusqu'aux sons électroniques, le jazz est représenté dans toutes ses esthétiques, avec cousinages vers le blues, la soul, des musiques du monde. "C'est une vision large du jazz, historiquement cohérente, explique Laurent Saulnier, le programmateur. Du hard rock au FIJM, ça n'aurait aucun sens, mais le hip-hop ça tient debout."

La fierté de Saulnier, c'est la haute tenue des concerts gratuits. On entend des orchestres d'école et d'université dont les jeunes musiciens peuvent donner des sueurs froides aux professionnels : The Lost Fingers, de Québec, est un excellent trio de jazz manouche qui manie Django et l'humour musical ; la chanteuse suédoise Johanna Sillanpaa porte le jazz vocal à de beaux points de flamboiement ; Martha High et The Shaolin Temple Defenders associe une ancienne choriste de James Brown et une formation soul de pure dynamite.

L'une des grosses affaires de l'été est le retour de Return to Forever. Soit Chick Corea, claviers, Al di Meola, guitares, Stanley Clarke, basse et contrebasse, et Lenny White, batterie de combat. Références du jazz-rock des années 1970, dans le sillage de Miles Davis, Return to Forever casse la baraque : 3 000 fans, de 20 à 60 ans.

Séparé en 1977, reformé pour une cinquantaine de dates (pour la France, l'Olympia, à Paris, le 8 juillet ; les Festivals de Vienne le 9, et Nice le 23), Return to Forever a le goût, épuisant par moments, de la pyrotechnie. La partie acoustique calme les choses. Chaque membre du quatuor veut en démontrer à l'autre, mais la richesse mélodique est telle qu'on attend Return to Forever avec bonheur en France.

Sylvain Siclier, Le Monde, 30.06.08

http://www.lemonde.fr/culture/article/2008/06/30/montreal-monstre-intime-du-jazz_1064529_3246.html#ens_id=1064624

It is not easy securing a meeting with the Maoist guerrilla leader poised to become prime minister of the new republic of Nepal.

Prachanda, which means "awesome" or "the fierce one", came out of the jungle two years ago, but his journey from insurgent commander to mainstream politician is far from complete. As if to emphasise his distance from the Kathmandu political establishment, which he calls "feudal", he lives in a run-down area of the city, close to a rubbish-strewn canal. His house, with sandbagged emplacements at each corner, is guarded by unsmiling male and female cadres in camouflage fatigues and caps with a red star on the peak.

The presence of these guerrillas in the heart of the capital is chilling for Kathmandu's people. If they were able to shut out thoughts of the Maoists' 10-year rural rebellion, in which more than 13,000 people died, they cannot do so any longer. One of the most difficult issues in the new Nepal – with which Britain may be asked to help – is how to integrate more than 23,000 Maoist fighters into an army whose generals refuse to have anything to do with them.

A newspaper showed the mustachioed Prachanda morphing into Stalin, with the headline: "Same to Same". Yet emissaries from the old political elite, foreign ambassadors and nervous businessmen have no choice but to seek an audience with him, since his Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) won more than a third of the seats in the Constituent Assembly two months ago. The interim prime minister, G P Koirala, whose Nepali Congress Party was soundly defeated in April, has finally given up his struggle to cling to some shreds of power and has resigned, clearing the way for the 53-year-old Maoist to take over.

After prolonged negotiations through several intermediaries, including Nepal's leading movie star, who had played an insurgent in one recent production, I was told to be at Prachanda's house at 6.30am for one of the few interviews he has ever given the British press. As I arrived, the sun was just picking out the white stupa of Swayambhu, one of Buddhism's most sacred sites, which overlooks Kathmandu. A once-over by suspicious bodyguards and a hushed wait in a packed anteroom heightened the sense of occasion.

In person, however, Prachanda – real name Pushpa Kamal Dahal – is plump and jovial, almost twinkly. Though he had been up far into the night in stalemated negotiations, he betrayed no sign of weariness. He commands a movement known to have been responsible for extortion and summary executions, but his manner is more reminiscent of the schoolteacher he once was. And it soon emerges that his brand of Maoism would not be recognised by the founder of Communist China, or the leaders of Peru's Shining Path, supposedly Prachanda's inspiration.

In good English, he declares that "we are trying our best to build a new Nepal", in which the feudal political and economic structures will be replaced by "a more dynamic, more capitalistic, mode of production". Did he say capitalistic? "You are surprised to hear that from the mouth of a Maoist," he chuckles. "The main thing is that we are against feudalism," by which he appears to mean a political and business establishment, working closely with the now-abolished monarchy, which was noted for a high degree of corruption. "We have to have capitalism before we can have socialism."

The CPN (M) is well short of a majority in the assembly – ironically, it might have won one if it had not insisted on strict proportional representation – and Prachanda will have to go into coalition to form a government. But this too is part of his ideology. "We are trying our best to understand democracy," he says. "Even in socialism, multi-party competition is a must. I derive this conclusion from Comrade Lenin. Just before he died, he introduced a bourgeois economic policy. If he had lived another five years, Lenin would have introduced multi-party competition." Even more heretically, he insists that the author of Soviet Communism "made many mistakes". As for the Shining Path, its way was "too one-sided – it could not mobilise the masses".

There has always been a strong surrealist tinge to politics in the Himalayan nation. Apart from Prachanda's Maoists, there are several other communist parties of Nepal – the United, the Unified, the Marxist-Leninist and the Unified Marxist-Leninist or UML, the third largest party in the assembly. It is all reminiscent of the squabbles between the Judean People's Liberation Front and the People's Liberation Front of Judea, but nothing unusual for a country which for centuries was the world's only Hindu kingdom, and is now in the midst of a transition to the world's first elected Maoist administration.

Prachanda is in earnest, however, when he argues that his government will be a historic break with the past. For the first time, the hill peoples and rural peasants, almost half of the country's 26 million people, will have a voice; what he calls "the old parliamentary parties", Congress and the UML, "don't understand the whole dynamics of change". If the new president, vice-president and prime minister were all from the upper castes, "I don't think it will be tolerated by the mass of people".

Donor countries which have watched billions of dollars in aid end up in private bank accounts might welcome cleaner government in Nepal, but the US still has the Maoists on its list of terrorist organisations. The previous administration sought to persuade George Bush's White House that the insurgency was part of the international "war on terror", and the Nepalese army received some heavy US weaponry and training before the 2006 truce. Delhi, meanwhile, is watching anxiously to see whether Nepal, traditionally a buffer state between India and China, will lean towards Asia's other superpower under a Maoist leader. Among those waiting for an audience in Prachanda's anteroom was India's ambassador to Nepal.

Critics argue that the CPN (M) leader's talk of historic change masks a rejection of the country's traditional instinct to seek peaceful compromise. They say he began his revolt just when Nepal was beginning to enjoy greater democracy and economic growth, and that the insurgency ruined the economy and encouraged banditry. Many people voted for the party, it is claimed, simply because they feared it might otherwise restart the conflict. Slightly defensively, Prachanda says his party tried to "convince the people" through peaceful means first, but demonstrators had been killed and rural people subjected to "brutal oppression". The Maoists had offered many times to stop fighting in exchange for the settlement which has now been reached, he insists. But even though the constituent assembly abolished the monarchy – a few days before our interview the last king, Gyanendra, left the royal palace in the centre of Kathmandu and became plain Mr Shah – Nepal has otherwise been in a stalemate for the past 10 weeks.

Whether Mr Koirala's resignation breaks the deadlock remains to be seen: Prachanda has many other opponents, not least the army, which was commanded by the king and rejects the idea of being subject to a politician's orders, especially such a radical politician.

Near Pokhara, Nepal's second city, I saw a white UN helicopter taking off to monitor the Maoist guerrillas, most of whom have been in camps since the truce, awaiting integration with the military. Britain agrees that the present situation is "not sustainable", and says it is ready to provide technical support and guidance to reform the security sector, if asked. Prachanda seems likely to request such assistance if he forms a government – Britain has been "directly involved" in the peace process, he says, and could help in a "very effective way" with creating a unified force. In his view, it could even play a role in persuading the US to stop listing his movement as terrorists.

There has been speculation that if the Maoists came to power they would stop Gurkhas joining the British Army, but their leader is happy to quash it. "They should have proper jobs in Nepal rather than needing to join foreign armies," he says. "But until that is the situation, we will continue to allow their recruitment, though we support their demands for equal treatment with British soldiers."

It is easy to imagine Prachanda in front of a class as he expounds the party line. "Marxism is not a sectarian or a dogmatic philosophy," he says. "Anyone who is really scientific, who is really sincere about Marxism, about dialectical materialism, would understand that he has to develop his ideology according to the changed situation." This seems to be his way of preparing his faithful for the many compromises that may lie ahead.

The leader's aides are beginning to get restless, and there is time for just one more question. If Mr Gyanendra Shah, the ex-king, wants to form his own political party and enter politics, as many have speculated he might, would the Maoists prevent him? Not at all, says Prachanda, whose benevolence extends even to the former monarch: "If he respects the verdict of the masses, he can enjoy all the opportunities open to the common citizen."

It is not quite how the Bolsheviks dealt with the Romanovs, but Nepal has a habit of doing things its own unique way. The country could end up having a Maoist prime minister and a former king as leader of the opposition. Who knows? Perhaps Gyanendra will call his political vehicle the Communist Party of Nepal (Monarchist).

From civil war to democracy

In 1996 the bloody Nepalese civil war began, sparking fighting that went on for 10 years which was believed to have killed at least 13,000 people. The Maoist rebels' multiple demands included land redistribution, equal rights for women and a communist republic.

Based in Nepal's mountains and jungles, the rebel army included both female soldiers as well as children, for which they were condemned in 2005 by the EU. A peace deal was brokered in 2006, with the rebels' arms monitored by the UN, and Prachanda declared that it marked "the end of the 238-year-old feudal system".

Despite the rebels' admiration for Chairman Mao, the Chinese Communist Party had shunned the revolution, choosing to arm the Royal Nepalese Army. Chinese officials are now more eager to forge ties with the Maoists and Prachanda has praised China's pragmatic approach to capitalism.

The Maoists have to convince non-supporters that they have transformed from guerrilla fighters into a working, democratic party. They remain on the US list of terrorist organisations.

Their youth wing, the Young Communist League, has been blamed for abduction and torture. Around 19,000 ex-rebels still live in UN-monitored camps created by Nepal's 2006 peace deal. The Maoists want them to become part of the Nepal army but the its chief disagrees.

Raymon Whitaker, The Independent, 30.06.08

http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/asia/in-nepal-we-are-trying-our-best-to-understand-democracy-856909.html

Le Pape a pourtant tout fait pour mettre fin au schisme. Le Vatican avait adressé un «ultimatum» à la Fraternité schismatique, basée à Ecône, en Suisse. Le protocole d'accord, négocié début juin avec Mgr Fellay, était en apparence très souple : respect de la personne du Pape et renonciation à polémiquer sur l'enseignement de l'Église. Aucune allusion directe n'était faite à l'acceptation des canons du Concile Vatican II et encore moins de la liturgie contemporaine. Le Saint-Siège lui aurait aussi proposé de créer une structure juridique propre pour les accueillir sans les soumettre à l'autorité des évêques locaux. De quoi éviter de froisser les susceptibilités.

Le Vatican n'était jamais allé aussi loin dans ses propositions, quitte à gêner des groupes plus progressistes dans l'Église.

Évêques schismatiques

Mais les intégristes, ne veulent pas se taire sur les questions doctrinales (œcuménisme, dialogue interreligieux) qui sont aujourd'hui au cœur des priorités de Benoît XVI. «Nous n'envisageons pas d'accord pratique ou canonique avant d'avoir traité des questions doctrinales qui se posent depuis Vatican II», a ainsi martelé l'abbé Alain Lorans, porte-parole de la Fraternité Saint-Pie X.

La violence des propos de certains évêques schismatiques semble bien marquer un point de non-retour. «Si l'Église nous veut de nouveau avec elle, nous demandons qu'elle retourne à son passé glorieux», a ainsi estimé Mgr Richard Williamson, l'un des quatre évêques ordonnés il y a vingt ans par Mgr Marcel Lefebvre : «Nous n'accepterons jamais Vatican II.»

H.Y., Le Figaro, 30.06.08

http://www.lefigaro.fr/actualite-france/2008/06/30/01016-20080630ARTFIG00336-les-integristes-refusent-la-reconciliation.php

Aunque el oyente profano no haya escuchado nunca a los Dixie Hummingbirds, inmediatamente reconocerá algo familiar en la voz de su solista principal, Ira Tucker. Su exuberancia interpretativa marcó a figuras gigantescas como James Brown, Al Green, Jackie Wilson o Bobby Blue Bland. Ocurre que el soul tiene como ingrediente secreto al gospel, un catalizador igualmente presente en estilos del rock and roll.

En términos comerciales, el gospel es una rama menor de la industria musical, con escasa repercusión mediática: la única vez que los Dixie Hummingbirds estuvieron en las listas de éxito fue en 1973, paradójicamente acompañando a un cantante no cristiano, Paul Simon, en Loves me like a rock. Una jugada que intentaron repetir, sin tanta fortuna, al cantar algún tema de Bob Dylan. No obstante, prosperaron en el modesto circuito de la música religiosa, que frecuentemente les obligaba a dar varios recitales cada día.

Los Dixie Hummingbirds se formaron en 1926 en Greenville (Carolina del Sur), aunque Ira Tucker no se incorporó hasta 12 años después. Ira, nacido en 1925 en el mismo Estado, destacaba por su energía interpretativa: en vez de cantar sin moverse, con aspecto circunspecto, se dejaba llevar por el espíritu y gesticulaba extasiado, se arrodillaba, saltaba hacia el público. Es decir, el repertorio escénico de todo soulman futuro, a su vez derivado de los predicadores más arrebatados.

Con la llegada de Tucker, los Dixie Hummingbirds cambiaron su sonido hacia lo que se llamaba jubilee, más animoso y comunicativo. Les propulsaba la extraordinaria garganta de su nuevo solista, que tenía un amplio registro y sabía integrar sus fervorosos gritos. El grupo, que se había instalado en Filadelfia, supo defenderse en actuaciones ante públicos blancos. Funcionaban como quinteto vocal con mínimo acompañamiento instrumental, como la guitarra de Howard Carroll. Y no se echaba nada en falta.

Creativamente, su gran época fue la década de los cincuenta, cuando grabaron para Peacock Records temas tan apabullantes como Christian's testimonial, Christian automobile, Trouble my way, Let's go to the programs, What a friend o Our prayer for peace. Aunque en su tiempo ese material no se escuchaba fuera de la comunidad negra, posteriormente fue difundido en álbumes por MCA. Conviene mencionar que nunca fue sencillo conseguir material de los Dixie Hummingbirds fuera de las tiendas religiosas; con suerte, se encontraban los recopilatorios que se editaban para conmemorar sus 60, 70 o 75 años de gozosa existencia. En 2007 murió el fundador, James B. Davis, y Tucker se quedó a cargo del grupo, a tiempo de celebrar los 80 años de actividad con una película documental, The Dixie Hummingbirds: eighty years young.

Diego A. Manrique, El Pais, 30.06.08

http://www.elpais.com/articulo/Necrologicas/Ira/Tucker/revolucionario/cantante/gospel/elpepunec/20080630elpepinec_1/Tes

There was no place for Cristiano Ronaldo in the 23-man squad of the tournament, which included the Manchester United's keeper Edwin van der Sar, Michael Ballack and José Bosingwa from Chelsea, Arsenal's Cesc Fábregas, Liverpool striker Fernando Torres and Tottenham-bound midfielder Luka Modric.

Uefa's technical director Andy Roxburgh explained Ronaldo's absence was due to the fact Portugal did not progress further in the tournament. "This is entirely about the tournament and not about reputations or how well you started," he said. "Of course he was mentioned - and if Portugal had gone further, there's no argument he has been in this group because he's a fantastic player. He was in our Champions League all-star squad for the season, and the beginning of the tournament he threatened he was going to be in this one. But then it came abruptly to an end. When it comes to a squad of the tournament, those that go to semis and final dominate things like this."

Nine of the 23 players in the squad of the tournament were Spanish, but Roxburgh said Xavi stood out. "We think he epitomised the Spanish style of play - he was extremely influential," Roxburgh added. "We are not all that surprised, because for more than a decade now the top youth teams in Europe have been Spanish and we have been watching Xavi and others in this squad from a very young age. Torres scored the winner in a youth final, and Fábregas was the star of the Under-17s. In this tournament, Fábregas' influence in the periods when he did play was extremely significant."

Roxburgh also singled out the Germany captain Ballack for praise. "Ballack was a major influence on Germany all the way to the final and he scored the best set-play goal of the competition with his free-kick against Austria," said Roxburgh.

Uefa's squad of the tournament:

Goalkeepers: Buffon (Italy), Casillas (Spain), Van der Sar (Holland). Defenders: Bosingwa (Portugal), Lahm (Germany), Marchena (Spain), Pepe (Portugal), Puyol (Spain), Zhirkov (Russia). Midfielders: Hamit Altintop (Turkey), Modric (Croatia), Senna (Spain), Xavi (Spain), Zyryanov (Russia), Ballack (Germany), Fábregas (Spain), Iniesta (Spain), Podolski (Germany), Sneijder (Holland). Strikers: Arshavin (Russia), Pavlyuchenko (Russia), Torres (Spain), Villa (Spain).

Barney Ronay, The Guardian, 30.06.08

http://www.guardian.co.uk/football/2008/jun/30/spain.euro20082

La région de Khyber est l'un des principaux points de passage entre le Pakistan et l'Afghanistan, dont dépendent notamment les soldats occidentaux présents en Afghanistan. On y trouvait très peu d'activistes islamistes voici un an, mais l'alliance de ces derniers avec les bandes criminelles actives dans la région a contribué à fortement détériorer la sécurité.

PLUS DE MILLE HOMMES ENGAGÉS

Selon le général pakistanais Alam Khattack, la ville de Bara, à une quinzaine de kilomètres au sud-ouest de Peshawar, est particulièrement visée. L'opération, a-t-il ajouté, devrait durer quatre ou cinq jours, mais pourrait être prolongée. Plus de mille hommes seraient engagés, appuyés par des chars et des hélicoptères de combat. Said Rehman Malik, ministre de l'intérieur, a qualifié l'offensive de "très réussie". Pour lui, l'autorité du gouvernement a été rétablie et Peshawar est "totalement à l'abri".

Lundi matin, toutefois, au moins six personnes ont été tuées dans l'explosion d'une maison appartenant au chef d'un groupe islamiste extrémiste dans la région de Khyber. La maison appartenait à Haji Namdar, qui est sorti indemne de la déflagration, selon un porte-parole du groupe. En signe de protestation à cette offensive, le conseil des talibans a suspendu, dimanche, l'application de tous les accords de paix conclus avec le gouvernement dans le nord-ouest du pays. La veille, Baitullah Mehsud, chef du Mouvement des talibans pakistanais (Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan), avait annoncé qu'il suspendait les négociations de paix, accusant le pouvoir de recourir constamment à la force.

Cette mesure concerne les discussions de paix dans le Waziristan ainsi que dans la région touristique de Swat (nord-ouest). Le conseil des talibans indique avoir pris cette décision "à la suite d'offensives des forces de sécurité à Khyber, Jandola et Swat".

En avril, Mehsud avait annoncé un cessez-le-feu unilatéral avec les forces de sécurité après que le nouveau gouvernement eût déclaré vouloir négocier plutôt que de s'appuyer sur la force militaire.

Après sa victoire aux élections de février, le gouvernement de M. Gilani avait engagé des négociations avec plusieurs mouvements fondamentalistes, dans l'espoir de mettre fin aux attentats-suicides ayant fait des centaines de morts en 2007.

Le Monde, 30.06.08

http://www.lemonde.fr/international/article/2008/06/30/offensive-de-l-armee-pakistanaise-contre-les-talibans_1064482_3210.html#ens_id=1037718

He may have spent years in rock's home for the terminally unhip but Diamond drew fans of all ages for what was the most feel-good set of the festival. Flanked by a brass section on his left and gospel singers to his right, the 70-year-old showman captured the happy vibe of the festival. "I'm A Believer", written for The Monkees and the anthemic "Sweet Caroline" saved for the end, triggered the biggest sing-along of the weekend.

Cohen, dressed in a sober grey suit, was the big hero of the night, putting the crowd in raptures with "Bird On A Wire". Doffing his hat between each poetic song, this was a rare, gentlemanly performance.

It was the perfect wind-down before The Verve rounded up the festival with their indie rock anthems, leading the crowd through a sing-along of their hits before fireworks burst into the sky.

Over on the Other Stage, Lily Allen appeared with superstar producer Mark Ronson. Friday's bill of traditional mainstream radio-friendly rock bands and pop acts including The Fratellis, Editors and Kings of Leon, was trumped by Saturday and Sunday's diverse line-up.

The most talked-about headline act, Jay-Z, won over a massive crowd on Saturday night. Strutting on in an oversize jacket, scarf and customary shades, he commanded the stage, delivering track after track of explosive hip-hop. His energy was matched by that of the crowd who fulfilled all his requests for singing and "bouncing", even forming bling "diamonds" with their hands. His performance will go down in Glastonbury history.

A video was played before he came on, chopping between clips of his biggest critic Noel Gallagher and world leaders and members of the public apparently commenting, and then his touché launch into Oasis's "Wonderwall" which sent the crowd into giggles and an arm-swaying sing-a-long. He then put on his most serious scowl, saying: "I've got one thing to say," and the band erupted into "99 Problems". Performing several versions of well-known hits such as Rihanna's "Umbrella", and with his Linkin Park collaboration "Numb" as his encore, his rapping was compelling and masterful.

Delighted as the crowd were with the appearance of Amy Winehouse, her set was disappointing. While her choice of songs was entertaining, notably Dandy Livingstone's "A Message To You, Rudy", Sam Cooke's "Cupid", and her own "Rehab", her voice lacked strength.

The Park was where some of the best music was to be found, from Dizzee Rascal to the lush folk of rising band Mumford and Sons – a treat for the small Sunday morning crowd. This stage's surprise guests included Franz Ferdinand and The Last Shadow Puppets. A beaming Alex Turner and Miles Kane performed a shambolic set that lacked the sheer luminosity of Arctic Monkeys. Pete Doherty was the other unexpected gem at The Park, performing a set of the Libertines' greatest hits.

This year's rise of new Brooklyn bands was represented by Yeasayer, Vampire Weekend and MGMT. The latter, playing twice over the weekend, came up trumps with the song to soundtrack the festival as fans sang the gloriously catchy synth riff to "Kids" after their set had finished.

Crowded House on the Saturday afternoon summed up the vibe with the gorgeous sun-kissed harmonies of their classic songs. The Finn brothers were on top form, and as they built up to "Take the Weather With You" they recalled last year mocking the rain and mud at Glasto while playing a set from London's Hyde Park.

Elisa Bray, The Independent, 23.06.08

http://www.independent.co.uk/arts-entertainment/music/reviews/last-night-glastonbury-festival-worthy-farm-somerset-856887.html

Les éditeurs ne savent pas où ils vont mais ils y vont. Ils auront rarement été aussi conscients d’être à la veille d’une véritable révolution dans leur métier, et d’être aussi démunis, désorientés, inquiets, incertains et mobilisés quant à l’avenir du livre. D’où une certaine panique qui ne dit pas son nom. Tel est le parfum qui flotte autour du “Rapport sur le livre numérique”  que Bruno Patino vient de remettre, au nom de la commission qu’il a dirigée, à la ministre de la Culture. Celle-ci doit le rendre public ce lundi en fin de matinée ; mais en recoupant différentes sources, on peut d’ores et déjà en révéler la teneur dans les grandes lignes

La Commission a auditionné des personnalités tant du milieu littéraire et éditorial que du côté de l’internet, industriels et créateurs mêlés. Autant les seconds ont semblé sereins, autant les premiers ont paru divisés dès lors que l’on grattait un peu les déclarations de principe. Car si dans l’ensemble ils reconnaissaient n’avoir pas de grande stratégie susceptible de leur éviter la catastrophe financière qui touche les producteurs de disques, il s’avère que certains d’entre eux, ne renonçant pas à l’esprit de concurrence en dépit du danger, préfèrent la garder secrète. Au-delà de cette déception sur le manque d’unité des éditeurs, la commission a été surprise par quelques grandes tendances :

1. La détermination des sociétés d’auteurs à obtenir un deuxième contrat, en sus du contrat traditionnel pour le livre papier, qui soit spécifique à l’édition numérique.

2. La mise en péril de la loi Lang, de plus en plus menacée de toutes parts. La rogner, c’est ouvrir la boîte de Pandore.

3. L’absence de définition du livre numérique.

4. Le rôle croissant et considérable joué en coulisses par le lobby des télécommunications. Orange, pour ne citer que lui, dispose d’un laboratoire qui travaille discrètement mais exclusivement sur l’avenir du livre numérique.

Eu égard à l’urgence de la situation, ce rapport-là ne paraît pas avoir été commandé pour finir dans un tiroir, mais bien pour servir. Que recommande-t-il puisqu’on n’attend rien d’autre que des recommandations d’une commission ?

1. De renforcer la loi Lang (prix unique de vente quel que soit le vendeur) pour l’édition papier, de développer certains de ses aspects et de copier ses mécanismes afin de les appliquer dans l’édition numérique mais sans le dire officiellement afin de ne pas s’attirer les foudres de Bruxelles.

2. De promouvoir une offre légale attractive en donnant davantage de visibilité aux contenus dans l’univers numérique et en soutenant plus encore la numérisation des contenus sous droits.

3. De conserver intact l’actuel code de la propriété intellectuelle relatif à la rémunération forfaitaire

4. De garder le principe d’un contrat unique autre l’éditeur et son auteur, à condition bien entendu de rajouter une clause spécifique sur l’édition numérique (et ce bien qu’il existe déjà de longue date un “second contrat” relatif à la cession des droits audiovisuels)

5. De monter un groupe de pression susceptible de défendre la propriété intellectuelle auprès de l’Union européenne.

L’une des personnalités qualifiées convoquées à l’audition a profondément marqué la commission en prononçant une phrase-clé qui pourrait, à elle seule, résumer l’enjeu politique de la lutte à mener : “A Paris comme à Bruxelles, le lobby des télécommunications est actif et efficace. Mais où est le lobby du droit d’auteur et du copyright ? Inexistant à Bruxelles, faible à Paris…”. Au cas où l’on en douterait encore, la dématérialisation du livre n’est pas pour demain mais pour aujourd’hui. Ce n’est pas que le livre recule : c’est juste qu’il est en train de changer de support, en glissant subrepticement du papier aux écrans. Tous les écrans nomades : ceux des téléphones mobiles, des ordinateurs, des readers (de plus en plus sophistiqués dans leur imitation du livre, mais sans que l’un ne s’impose en référence unique à l’exclusion des autres comme le I-Pod dans la musique), des GPS, des agendas électroniques et des consoles de jeux (six millions de Nintendo sont en circulation en France…).

On pourra lire un livre sur tout ce qui fait écran. Ce qui n’empêchera pas de continuer à le lire sur papier, aussi…

Le livre ne recule pas, il avance. Mais cela impliquera un tel bouleversement, dans la maîtrise des tuyaux comme dans celle des contenus, que l’accès économique à l’écrit et son contrôle intellectuel en seront obligatoirement bouleversés. L’heure n’est plus à la déploration ou à la dénonciation car ce serait vain. Qu’on le veuille ou pas, c’est là car le livre a partie liée avec un phénomène plus vaste qui le dépasse. Autant le savoir et l’anticiper juste à temps pour n’avoir pas à le subir.

P.S. Dès que ce rapport, long d’une soixante de pages, sera diffusé sur le site de la Documentation française, comme c’est le cas le plus souvent, je mettrai un lien.

Pierre Assouline, La république des livres, 29.06.08

http://passouline.blog.lemonde.fr/

Como en su día los chicos del baloncesto y los del balonmano, la España futbolística se desplegó con todo el descaro. No se dejó atemorizar por los mazacotes alemanes y su enciclopédica tendencia a la victoria. De hecho, su aproximación a la gran final fue del todo serena. En las vísperas no hubo tiritonas. Un rasgo más de la normalización de este grupo, su principal vía hacia el éxito. Se asoman al fútbol sin grandilocuencias ni estridencias. Esta generación procesa el juego de forma natural, sin complejos. Se acunó en el aperturismo de los ochenta, como Gasol, Alonso, Nadal, Pedrosa, Contador, todos ellos deportistas transfronterizos que triunfaron en pañales, desde las categorías inferiores. Se saben competitivos y no se reconocen en el fatalismo de sus antepasados, subyugados por tantos años en la caverna. A España le faltaba la entronización de su selección de fútbol, casi siempre a un paseo lunar de sus heráldicos clubes. Hasta que de la mano de Luis se han agrupado en el momento justo, en plenitud y absoluta armonía, con el colectivo como gran héroe. Ganar fortalece y el estilo distingue. Por la senda del triunfo España ha impuesto su sello hasta terminar en trance.

Frente a Alemania, el equipo supo imponer su mayor virtuosismo al tiempo que mantuvo siempre el pulso, lo que no es fácil ante una selección tan cementera como la de Löw. La selección de Luis no se dejó enredar y soportó con una firmeza admirable los continuos asaltos del rival, que al verse superado en el juego y el marcador actuó con cierto matonismo con la complicidad de Rosetti, otro mal árbitro. Con el campo minado, España acertó a gravitar en torno a sus medios, con Xavi y Cesc como principales catalizadores. Donde los alemanes querían imponer su armadura, los españoles se encomendaban a la pelota y a Fernando Torres. Cada pared, cada jugada trenzada al toque desgarraba a Alemania. Estos centrocampistas españoles no maniobran en función de lo que sucede, sino de lo que pueda suceder.

Si los alemanes daban con la tecla para atascar la circulación, entonces tenían que medir a Torres con sus pesadotes centrales. Era cuestión de insistencia. Así lo entendió Xavi, siempre tan aplicado. A la media hora enlazó con el ariete del Liverpool, al que propuso un esprint con las vigas alemanas. Torres les dejó a rebufo, incluido a Lahm, en apariencia con menos tronco que sus compañeros de trinchera. Ante la salida de Lehman, el "Niño" picó la pelota con tres dedos, de forma tan cariñosa que ésta parecía resistirse a llegar a la red. Con la caricia de Torres no hubo alemán que siquiera pudiera pellizcar el balón. No daban con la pócima ante el delantero español, ni por tierra ni por aire, pues minutos antes del gol ya había cabeceado al poste entre varias pértigas alemanas.

El tanto español encendió al conjunto germano, que comprendió que no tenía otra salida que atizar la hoguera. Al toque de corneta de su capitán, Ballack, que intentó sin éxito amedrentar a Cesc a estacazos, el partido se incendió, con trifulcas por todos los rincones. Una mala señal para España, que podía haber caído en la trampa, en un duelo que no le interesaba para nada. No fue así, y el equipo supo templarse, nada de desquicios. Xavi siguió al mando y con Cazorla y Güiza de nuevo como agitadores se lanzó de contra en contra para cerrar la final. Le faltó dinamita y, por momentos, mayor pegada y menos arabescos. Pero ese es el estilo que le ha conducido al nirvana y no tenía por qué renunciar. Por supuesto, Alemania, siempre Alemania, no claudicó hasta el último suspiro, ese en el que tantas veces ha alimentado sus vitrinas cuando los adversarios se sentían a un milímetro de la adoración. El equipo de Luis se ganó el jubileo. Y el entrenador, que ha pasado del calvario de 2006 a la épica de 2008, también, aunque ello le costara, a sus 69 años, ser manteado por el grupo. En la gloria todo vale. Cuarenta y cuatro años de espera fueron muchos.

José Sámano, El Pais, 30.06.08

http://www.elpais.com/articulo/deportes/gloria/mejor/elpepudep/20080629elpepudep_11/Tes

OSM: We understand that you wanted to be involved with the British Paralympic team after meeting a disabled equestrian rider, Sophie Christiansen. How did your paths cross?

PM: I like the Olympics, I like that it stands for the unification of people through sport. So I was looking for something to do connected to the Olympics, then it occurred to me that there might be more to do with the Paralympics, because the Olympics is sponsored by all sorts of big companies. I just gave them a ring and on our first meeting Sophie came along and I was knocked out to hear that we have gold medallists that we don't know about. She's one of them, she's got an equestrian gold.

Did you know much about the Paralympics?

A little bit, but not as much as I now know. That's one of the things: most of us know the Paralympics exist, but I thought it was probably a good idea to raise awareness of it. Also to raise some money, because they are pretty underfunded and, of course, with someone like Sophie it takes quite a lot to get her and her horse and her support team to Beijing.

Were you surprised by the dedication and level of preparation of our disabled athletes?

Well, I admire it, you know. It's a great human effort when you are faced with something as devastating, or potentially devastating, as illness or injury. To be able to overcome it and make something of it, I think it's a good metaphor for a lot of things that happen in the world. It makes you think: 'Whoa, if they can overcome that, what am I moaning about?'

So, you decided you would like to help, but did you have an immediate idea for what you could do?

My concept for the ad was pretty basic: you see great sportspeople, looking great and doing great, and it's gradually revealed during the film that they are disabled. It's glamorous, but very meaningful. Not only would people get to know about it, but then they would get to know the extra effort that has to be put in over and above normal sportspeople.

You must have met a lot of athletes during the process - were there any individuals who particularly made an impact on you?

There was a guy, Matt Skelhon, with a kind of mohican cut, going for the groovy look. The idea that I picked up was: 'Look just because this has happened to me, I'm not going to shrink away. I'm going to be bold.' He's got a look that identifies him and he's a very positive guy. I am a great believer that if you can put a positive spin on things, it can attract luck back into your life. One of the guys said: 'Oh, I'm going to Beijing, I've qualified.' Oh, who is the competition? 'Well there's a couple of guys, but I've beat them so I'm not worried.' It's a sporting attitude, which I think most of us admire anyway, but coming from this place it's perhaps even more inspiring.

You grew up in one of the most sport-obsessed cities in the world - has sport always been a passion of yours?

No, actually. I was terrible, pretty hopeless, really. I used to enjoy football in the street, but by the time it got a bit more formalised, I wasn't very good at it. That puts you off, there are always guys mightily bigger or better than you are. And that's how it was with the Beatles; none of us was very sports-minded. I like watching the football on the telly, I go to the occasional match, but I'm not a massive fan.

Can you settle the argument once and for all - Liverpool or Everton?

Against all the laws of sport and supporters, I support them both. Here's the deal: my father was born in Everton, my family are officially Evertonians, so if it comes down to a derby match or a crunch or an FA Cup final between the two, I would have to support Everton. But a great thing happened to me when Kenny Dalglish was leading the Liverpool team, and we had a concert in Wembley Arena. I always said to my promoter: 'If we don't sell out all the seats, go out on the street and give them away. Ring your relatives, I don't care, just fill the place.' And I opened this concert with Wings and I noticed right in front of me - on the second or third row - a whole line of empty seats and I thought: 'I'll kill that promoter!' It's just so demoralising.

After the second number, a whole group came in, crouched down to not cause a fuss, and it was the Liverpool team led by Kenny. They were all in light grey suits, white shirts, red ties and they looked really cool and I got a bit of a friendship with Kenny and I thought: 'You know what? I am just going to support them both.' Because it's all Liverpool and I don't have that Catholic-Protestant thing. So I did have to get special dispensation from the Pope to do this but that's it, too bad, I support them both, they are both great teams. But if it comes to the crunch, I'm Evertonian.

Isn't it unusual for four guys from Liverpool that none of the Beatles was particularly into football?

Yeah, you would think we would be rabid fans, but we weren't. I think we had been those kind of guys who didn't really like sport at school. In cricket I was always happy when they stuck me in the outfield, the ball hardly ever reached me and I could just sit around dawdling about. It's not my idea of fun. And we were on tour the whole time and we never became mad sports fans. It's the same story with the pub; that little bit of our lives was taken out by our early success, because all of our mates at home grew into the habit of going to the pub after work. We just didn't do that. They were a couple of things that we probably would have got into if we had stayed in Liverpool. We were sports wimps and proud of it.

Whose decision was it to put Albert Stubbins - the red-haired centre forward who played for Liverpool after the war - on the cover of Sgt Pepper's? There's a rumour that he's on there because John Lennon liked his name...

The idea originally was for all of us to name our heroes because we were going to become this fictitious group, Sgt Pepper's, so we wanted to give ourselves some background, like somebody like Mike Leigh does. You give your character a story, and everyone came up with their favourites, who their character loved. Of course, being the Beatles this was only taken half seriously and I think John eventually came up with Albert Stubbins. I know Dixie Dean was also mentioned; it was really names we had heard when we were growing up, we really didn't know very much about them. It's just a funny name, isn't it? [Adopts voice] 'Albert Stubbins! Aye.' I think it was done more for the humour than anything.

You've just played Anfield in front of a sell-out crowd and you said: 'Every time I come back to Liverpool, the memories come flooding back.'

Well, I land at the airport that used to be Speke Airport but it's now John Lennon Airport, so right there the memories have to come flooding back. I lived in Speke and we'd cycle out to the airport, which used to seem a long way and now looks like 20 yards. We would plane-spot, just watch the planes and occasionally take down a number or two.

So I start there when I land and invariably I will drive past a couple of houses where I used to live as a kid. If I just take the normal route there are two that I pass quite easily and this time, for example, I was with my kids and it was great; we stopped at 72 Western Avenue, and we had our picture taken outside it. The people from the house came out: 'All right Paul, how are you doing?' It was quite funny.

And after that I went through Allerton, which is the house we moved to two houses after Western Avenue, and I was going to stop and have my picture taken, but there was a coachload of tourists, so I just went round the block. I thought that might get a bit out of control. And I will say: 'Oh, I remember us coming along here, me and John, dressed in black with drainpipe trousers and our guitars slung over our backs...' It reminds you because you are in the same place and it's only time that's changed. Then when we got to Anfield and it was like: 'Wow, this is the hallowed ground' - one of the hallowed grounds, anyway.

You became famous very early - do you crave normality because of the short period of your life when nobody knew who you were?

I do, but of course the grass is always greener. So I crave that, but then I remind myself that I was really fed up that no one noticed me back then. And girls wouldn't go out with me. So I remind myself of that and I think: 'You are all right where you are, be happy.'

What other sports did you enjoy?

One of the reasons that I love the Olympics is that I love athletics; on telly that's probably my favourite thing. I love the condensed effort of sprints; I like the 400, the 800, the longer ones, but by the time it gets to the marathon I'm a little bit bored because I have got a short attention span.

Sean Connery said that he would cry when he watched athletics on TV. Do you understand what he means?

I do, the distance events particularly can be emotional. I remember Jim Peters when I was a kid - God, that was harrowing [Peters collapsed from dehydration in the stadium at the 1954 Commonwealth Games marathon while well clear of the next runner]. He looked like he'd won and then he was staggering in and someone touched him and he lost. All that effort come to nothing. All that effort and I'm watching the pay-off moment live. With the Paralympians, it is even more emotional because you just know they have been through what other athletes have and more.

And do you ever shed a tear yourself?

I've been known to.

Tim Lewis, The Observer, 29.06.08

http://www.guardian.co.uk/sport/2008/jun/29/olympicgames2008.olympicgames

Le film, montré en public pour la première fois en décembre 2007 à l'occasion d'un important salon professionnel à Las Vegas (Nevada), a depuis fait le tour de la planète grâce aux ordinateurs personnels connectés à Internet et à leurs logiciels qui firent la fortune du héros du jour.

Personne néanmoins ne s'inquiète de savoir comment M. Gates va désormais occuper ses journées. Certes, il conserve le titre de président non exécutif du conseil d'administration de Microsoft. Certes, il a prévu de passer un jour par semaine chez Microsoft pour travailler sur des projets de recherche. Mais il va surtout se consacrer à la Fondation Bill et Melinda Gates, qu'il a créée avec son épouse en 2000. Une fondation qui a non seulement recueilli 31 milliards de dollars (20 milliards d'euros) de la famille Gates, mais aussi 37 milliards de dollars donnés par le financier Warren Buffett en 2006.

UNE ENTREPRISE À PART ENTIÈRE

Cette fondation est aujourd'hui une entreprise à part entière. Si ce n'est que les 535 personnes qui y travaillent se préoccupent bien davantage des dépenses à faire que des recettes à engranger. En 2007, ils ont ainsi distribué plus de 2 milliards de dollars. Plus de la moitié (1,22 milliard de dollars) a contribué à améliorer la santé dans le monde, en participant à l'achat de millions de vaccins et en finançant des traitements contre le sida, la tuberculose et le paludisme, entre autres.

Parallèlement, 308 millions de dollars ont financé des projets d'aide au développement dans différents domaines: achat de semences, formation des fermiers à des techniques permettant de mieux exploiter les sols, mise à disposition d'une meilleure information financière. Enfin, la fondation a consacré également 484 millions de dollars à des programmes destinés à réduire la fracture sociale aux Etats-Unis. L'accent est mis sur l'amélioration de l'enseignement secondaire et supérieur. En donnant aux bibliothèques publiques les moyens de se développer et de s'informatiser; en attribuant des bourses à des élèves défavorisés sélectionnés, non pas en raison de leurs performances scolaires, mais de leur motivation et de leur capacité à entraîner les autres; en les conseillant aussi sur la nature des études à poursuivre.

Bill Gates, dont la firme a été accusée à maintes reprises d'abus de position dominante dans de multiples procès, aussi bien en Europe qu'aux Etats-Unis, n'est-il pas en train de s'acheter une bonne conduite en devenant philanthrope? Et sa fondation ne fausse-t-elle pas elle-même le jeu de la concurrence en favorisant certains traitements plutôt que d'autres?

Les investissements réalisés sont aussi l'objet de critiques. Le 7 janvier 2007, le Los Angeles Times publiait ainsi un article virulent sur ses placements, qui ne seraient ni éthiques ni socialement responsables, selon le quotidien californien. "La Fondation Gates finance des campagnes de vaccination pour améliorer la santé des populations. Mais, en même temps, elle a investi 423millions de dollars dans Eni, Shell, Exxon Mobil, Chevron et Total, les entreprises responsables de l'essentiel de la pollution du delta du Niger (Nigeria), avec des émanations au-delà des seuils autorisés aux Etats-Unis ou en Europe",  précisait le quotidien.

Les placements personnels de M.Gates sont aussi mis en cause. Sa société d'investissement, Cascade Investment Management, aurait acheté 20% de Pacific Ethanol, une société de production de bioéthanol. Elle aurait récemment revendu la moitié de ses parts, cette industrie étant accusée de contribuer à la hausse des prix des denrées alimentaires. Et donc, indirectement, de provoquer des famines, que la fondation tente, de son côté, d'éradiquer.

Annie Kahn, Le Monde, 27.06.08

http://www.lemonde.fr/economie/article/2008/06/27/bill-gates-va-desormais-consacrer-l-essentiel-de-son-temps-et-de-son-argent-a-sa-fondation_1063491_3234.html#ens_id=1063482